Financial Reports: Weapons of Mass Deception

Review Of The Financial Reporting Act 1993

- Sue Newberry

Sue Newberry is a senior lecturer in financial accounting at the University of Canterbury.

The Government is currently reviewing the Financial Reporting Act 1993. This two-part financial reporting review is related to the current review of New Zealand’s foreign investment regime (see cover story. Ed.). Part I addresses the financial reporting structure, by focussing on who must report, and suggesting that what they must report is settled and beyond question. Submissions on Part 1 closed in mid-May 2004. Submissions are published on www.med.govt.nz

Part II of the review, scheduled for later in 2004 will, among other matters, deal specifically with any special reporting requirements applicable to foreign-owned or foreign-incorporated companies. That there is a Part II scheduled might suggest Part I would not interest those concerned about New Zealand’s foreign direct investment regime. However, two philosophies underpin the whole of Part I: that compliance costs for companies (and therefore financial reporting costs and financial reporting) should be reduced; and that foreign-owned or incorporated companies operating in New Zealand should be treated no differently from New Zealand companies. The outcome of Part I is, therefore, likely to feed into and, in some ways to pre-determine, the outcome of Part II. Alternatively, it seems possible that the outcome of Part I could be a decision to cancel Part II.

Financial Reporting – The Usual Claims

Part I of the review makes the usual claims that accountants like to make about financial reporting, and what may be achieved through standardised and legally enforceable financial reporting standards (paras. 26-58). The suggestion is that, although financial reports are technical, understanding them is quite straightforward for anyone who knows the basic financial reporting framework and the level of discretion available within that framework. With this understanding, accountability will be achieved and sensible financial decisions may be made, thus enhancing public confidence. Over the last few years, the Institute of Chartered Accountants of New Zealand has made several efforts to maintain and enhance public confidence in financial reporting. Evidently, this is because "public confidence in the integrity of the financial reporting framework is…central to maintaining and expanding a sophisticated domestic capital market" (para. 33). It is also central to the accounting profession’s perceived legitimacy.

The review of the Financial Reporting Act goes beyond the domestic capital market and presents positively the idea that New Zealand should "remain at the forefront of accounting practice" by adopting international financial reporting standards currently under development for application worldwide (para. 53). Supposedly, the worldwide application of a single set of financial reporting standards will result in "reliable and transparent accounting and financial reporting". Supposedly, "the various stockmarket crashes of the 1980s and the 1998 Asian economic crisis renewed…calls for a commitment to a single set of financial reporting standards, a call that has been reinforced by recent corporate collapses and scandals" (para. 36).

But Are Those Claims Believable?

A feature of the recent corporate collapses and scandals was that the audited financial reports issued by the companies concerned before they collapsed (Enron, in the US, for example) did comply with financial reporting standards. Complex financial engineering deals had helped to provide the means to comply with financial reporting standards, hide a growing mountain of debt off-balance sheet, and present a positive image to shareholders. Another scandalous feature of these collapses was the complicity of merchant bankers, financial analysts and major chartered accountancy firms, all of which earned large fees from their involvement. One set of financial reporting standards for application worldwide won’t stop that happening. Instead, it seems possible that one set of financial reporting standards would allow these players to earn even richer pickings by replicating their financial engineering deals worldwide. They already do so now, but those deals have to be modified to fit within each country’s specific rules. It would be so much easier to have one set of rules worldwide and replicate costlessly.

Globalised business is well-recognised as accompanied by globalised financial and other crime. The behaviour associated with Enron is now widely regarded as criminal and some former Enron staff have appeared before the US courts. Some of the dubious practices Enron engaged in were widespread by the time Enron collapsed in late 2001. In early 2002, Global Crossing, a US telecommunications company, also collapsed. With public sensitivities to dubious deals already heightened, some of Global Crossing’s deals drew media attention. One company named as a counterparty to some Global Crossing deals was Telecom New Zealand Ltd and this drew media attention here.

Two types of transaction were cited: gains arising from the early settlement of cross-border finance leases; and transactions in "cable capacity" with associated parties. Both of these transactions are very complicated. International commentators regard such transactions as circular, lacking in commercial substance, and used for little purpose other than to massage reported financial results). However, the Securities Commission rescued Telecom by stepping in to conduct a quick investigation of its financial reports for the December 2001 half-year. The Commission’s announcement clearing those reports raised a few eyebrows. So too did claims made in New Zealand by high level members of the accountancy profession that our superior financial reporting practices meant an Enron-type collapse couldn’t happen here. If these are examples of how public confidence in the integrity of financial reporting is maintained, we need to think more carefully about the nature and uses of financial reporting.

Financial Reporting – An Alternative View

A growing body of literature argues that financial reports and financial reporting practices are intended to deceive. This deception allows those in powerful positions to maintain their power by keeping ignorant those who are less powerful). A cynic summarising this literature might refer to financial reports as weapons of mass deception. Techniques used in this mass deception process include advertising practices and financial manipulations.

Just as much spin goes into the preparation of financial reports for publication as goes into any other consumer marketing activity. The aim is to convince outsiders, current and potential investors as well as creditors, that they should trust the company with their money while also projecting an appearance at least tolerable to the wider community. Glossy photography, advertising and public relations costs comprise a significant part of the compliance costs of financial reporting. Adding to those compliance costs are the costs associated with very complex company structures. These structures provide scope for financial manipulations and the opportunity to report almost whatever results are required while still complying strictly with financial reporting standards. One commentator compared such manipulations to a child’s balloon because, "a company can make its earnings or assets grow bigger or smaller…provided its accountants blow or suck hard enough" (Financial Post, 29/1/94, Diane Francis).

Exemplifying The Alternative View: Telecom

An example drawn from Telecom’s 30 June 2001 Annual Report illustrates the deceptiveness of advertising techniques and financial manipulations. The Chairman’s Report in the glossy front section of Telecom’s Annual Report described as "splendid" Telecom’s investment in Southern Cross Cables Holdings, an associate company based in Bermuda (a tax haven). And splendid it seemed. Earlier, Telecom had invested $45 million in shares in three associated companies, one of which was Southern Cross. In 2001, Southern Cross paid Telecom a dividend of $263 million. Few share investments return such massive dividends, and this dividend increased Telecom’s reported after tax profits for 2001 by 52% or $221 million (total reported profit after reported tax expense for that year was $643 million. Without the dividend, it would have been $422 million).

Closer scrutiny of Telecom’s financial reports revealed that all three associate companies had incurred losses so great that Telecom’s portion of their losses exceeded its investment in their shares. In the same year that Telecom received the $263 million dividend from Southern Cross, Telecom also wrote down to zero its share investment in all three associate companies, including Southern Cross. This was because of the losses, but it had the effect of changing the accounting requirements between them and Telecom. It meant that all three became the New Zealand equivalents of Enron-style off-balance sheet entities. Our financial reporting standards require this!

With Southern Cross incurring such losses, how could it pay such a large dividend to Telecom? It could if it were a circular transaction. In other words, if Telecom passed the money to Southern Cross, Southern Cross would have the money to pass back to Telecom. Telecom’s 2001 Annual Report reveals that Telecom seemed to have paid to Southern Cross an amount close to the $263 million, recording it in Telecom’s reports as an asset, either as a shareholder’s advance or as an investment in "cable capacity". Southern Cross paid the $263 million to Telecom, and Telecom reported most of it as dividend revenue, thus artificially inflating its after tax profit by the $221 million.

Oops!!! Maintaining Confidence? Or Maintaining A Con?

Just months after Telecom published its audited Annual Report for 2001, Enron collapsed and circular transactions using special purpose off-balance sheet entities became notorious. The international fallout gave rise to claims in New Zealand that our financial reporting standards made sense and wouldn’t allow such deals to be concealed, and the Securities Commission rescued Telecom.

That collapse also led to inquiries internationally into professional practices and conflicts of interests, and announcements of changes to improve corporate governance. The Institute of Chartered Accountants of New Zealand launched a "Corporate Transparency" project in an effort to maintain confidence in corporate reporting and capital markets. Sad to say, "maintaining a con" might be a better description of that project, and of the current review of the Financial Reporting Act.

The idea that financial reports are intended to deceive is well worth remembering. At the very least it promotes a healthy scepticism towards published (and audited) financial reports. Financial reporting has not improved since 2002, and Telecom’s Annual Reports continue to illustrate the need for scepticism. Telecom’s 2003 Annual Report revealed a $2.1 billion transaction in intangibles between Telecom and a subsidiary. As noted in the 2003 Roger Award Judges’ Report, the resulting arrangement provided "a perfect set-up for…raising debt off-balance sheet, then boasting about strong cash flows and debt reduction". Telecom’s 2004 results announcement reports cash flows so strong that debt has been reduced significantly and increased dividend payouts are to be made. Are Telecom’s improvements genuine? Alternatively, do those improved results come from off-balance sheet debt, circular transactions and deceptive financial reporting?

We in New Zealand, along with Australia, are rushing headlong into a single set of financial reporting standards being prepared for global application. Other countries are not in such a hurry and seem less inclined to apply the standards comprehensively (para. 42). For all the claims that these standards represent "best practice", my observation of the pressured efforts by the international standard-setter to achieve a "stable platform" of standards by March 2004, leads me to believe that the standards will increase, rather than decrease, the scope for financial manipulation and deception.

The efforts associated with the rushed development of these international financial reporting standards are focused on adoption of the standards from 2005, a date which coincides with the scheduled completion of the current GATS Round. The platform needed to be in place by March 2004 because a lead time prior to full adoption is essential. Internationally, concerns have been raised about the significance of the changes, the lack of appreciation of what will be required to implement the changeover, and the very short lead time allowed.

Why Are We Rushing Into A Global Financial Reporting Framework?

Part I of the review contains three explanations for our rush into global standards that I think best describe the current developments. Obviously, the need to maintain public confidence in capital markets provides one important explanation. A collapse of confidence in capital markets could be devastating. The other two important explanations are covered in one paragraph of the review:

"…In addition, there are reduced compliance costs for multinational corporations because financial reports filed by subsidiaries for local regulatory purposes are prepared according to the same set of standards as the reports prepared for their parents for consolidation purposes. Finally, accounting skills learned in one jurisdiction may be more readily transferable to other countries (para. 40)…"

Evidently, the major beneficiaries of this single set of financial reporting standards are transnational corporations and the transnational chartered accountancy firms. Note that accounting services was one of the first financial services to be liberalised under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) regime and that this regime is designed to benefit transnational corporations seeking business opportunities internationally. Arguably, this helps to explain why the review seems based on the ideas that business compliance costs should be reduced, that foreign-owned companies should not be subject to conditions any more stringent than those of domestic companies, and that foreign direct investment in New Zealand is automatically good.

The major losers from this development are likely to be those whose confidence is maintained through deceit. They include smaller investors and creditors, as well as the wider population of the country. Increasingly, international findings suggest that open financial regimes are ripe for exploitation, and report massive plundering of resources in other countries.

The Global Framework Does Not Provide The Information We Need

This global financial reporting framework is nothing more than a mishmash of financial reporting practices developed over centuries for domestic profit-seeking businesses, but now applied on a world wide basis. It assumes a legal structure and culture that does not necessarily exist in all countries and, having developed from a domestic base, does not consider the effects transnational companies may have in other countries or identify any need for reporting on them. Amounts invested in New Zealand-based industry will be reported and highlighted, but amounts and resources transferred out of New Zealand will remain largely invisible. This financial reporting framework will increase New Zealand’s vulnerability to exploitation.

If we are to have such an open capital market regime, I think we need to monitor both inflows and outflows of resources, and to require reporting of that information. While foreign direct investment may indeed be good under some circumstances, it should not be assumed automatically good. In the interests of the wider New Zealand public, some understanding of the effects of foreign direct investment is essential and this requires the identification and reporting of relevant financial information. With such information available, we can assess the benefits and costs of an open regime and we may well adjust it or develop new controls. The absence of such information seems more likely to produce knee-jerk reactions in the event of problems.

Laboratory Rats For A Neo-liberal Experiment

Part I of the review refers to entity and sector neutrality. This idea of neutrality is that the same mishmash of accounting and financial reporting techniques developed for domestic profit-oriented businesses can and should be applied to the whole economy, the public and nonprofit sectors alike. Governments and government departments, and charities, churches and sports clubs which typify the public and private sectors did not evolve for profit-making purposes. Their existence and their reasons for financial controls and reporting are different, and the appropriateness of applying the same regime to all is controversial.

Over the last twelve to fifteen years, both New Zealand and Australia have been the world’s laboratory rats for public sector financial management reforms. Financial reporting standard-setters in both countries have claimed, falsely, that the financial reporting requirements imposed on the public sector are "sector neutral." Actually, the financial reporting requirements applied to the public sector are biased and selective when compared with those applied to the private sector, and work to the detriment of the public sector. The determination with which this experiment has proceeded and the closed approach adopted to financial reporting standard-setting has provoked mounting concern among some members of the accounting profession in both countries.

In both New Zealand and Australia, researchers have gradually exposed the nature of the biases. Now, they are beginning to demonstrate the way in which the biases and selectivity privilege neo-liberal ideas and function as a form of rigging. If the financial reporting requirements are applied without knowledge of the rigging, the resulting numbers help to "prove" that the private sector is more efficient when compared to the public sector. The financial reports function as weapons of mass deception to convince the wider public that the neo-liberal view of the world is correct.

More recently in Australia, the claim has been made that the selectivity has concealed corruption by hiding the extent to which public sector financial management reforms assist the movement of public assets into the private sector. We have much the same reporting requirements in New Zealand but, as yet, no one in New Zealand has gone quite so far with claims of corruption.

In effect, Part I of this review lumps the whole of the economy together and claims that the same financial reporting requirements should apply to all. It pretends neither the public nor the nonprofit sector exists but refers to "public benefit entities" without explaining what is meant by that term. Is this a new two sector split? If so, does that mean we now have a "public benefit" sector and a "public damage" sector? Whatever, the review proposes a single set of financial reporting requirements for all, albeit one applied selectively and to the detriment of at least some "public benefit" entities.

A Tiered Regime Based On Size

A requirement for a single global set of financial reporting standards would mean that even sole trader corner dairies and tiny clubs would be forced to comply with complicated financial reporting standards devised for large businesses. Because that is impractical, Part I proposes a tiered regime, developing the idea that exemptions should be allowed for small and medium entities. It identifies a set of characteristics distinctive to those entities (para. 61):

  • The business is managed by its owners;
  • It has limited internal sources of specialist advice;
  • Trade debtors and creditors comprise most of the total assets and liabilities; and
  • It often relies on short-term loans or overdrafts rather than shareholder capital to finance its assets.

Although those characteristics might typify small and medium entities and, at least superficially, might make sense for developing a tiered reporting regime, the same characteristics also typify the sorts of entities used as off-balance sheet vehicles. How the tiered reporting regime is developed will be important.

The report acknowledges that New Zealand’s existing tiered reporting regime includes reporting requirements for companies with subsidiaries, and for foreign-owned companies (para. 98). It drops the existence of subsidiaries as grounds for requiring full reporting and reduces in importance foreign ownership. Instead it proposes a set of four criteria to determine application of these tiered reporting requirements (para. 108). These criteria seem likely to extend into auditing and filing requirements.

One criterion is a responsibility to report, and this includes foreign ownership (para. 109). However, a foreign-owned entity would be required to report only if it were also classified as large. It would qualify as large by meeting two of three criteria: reporting more than $5 million in assets; more than $10 million in revenue; and more than 20 full-time employees (para. 110). While these amounts might seem small and, therefore, it might seem that most significant foreign-owned entities would be caught, because subsidiaries and other related entities are excluded from consideration, significant operations could easily be structured to avoid full reporting requirements. The effect seems likely to be that small and medium entities will escape the financial reporting, auditing and filing net, but so too will more significant ones provided they are carefully structured.

Matters Of Concern To Pursue In Part II

Several matters of concern arise from this Part I review of the Financial Reporting Act. The need to maintain confidence in financial markets is very important, but it is worth considering whether the current financial reporting regime, along with the move to a single global financial reporting framework, will provide the benefits assumed. If maintaining confidence amounts to little more than maintaining a con, then any benefits claimed will inevitably be short-lived. There is nothing in existing financial reporting standards that will overcome or help to prevent the sorts of corporate collapses and scandals we have seen recently, and the worldwide application of a single set of standards will not change that. Instead, it seems likely to increase vulnerability to such events and to globalise their effects. Even proponents of this single framework have acknowledged this danger.

There should be no sympathy with the desire to reduce compliance costs for major companies, whether transnational or domestic. The solution to high compliance costs is in their own hands. Compliance costs would be reduced significantly if simpler rather than highly complex structures and transactions were adopted and if the Annual Reports reverted to straightforward information disclosure instead of propaganda. A reduction in compliance costs will mean a reduction in financial reporting and even more deceptive financial reports. The underlying philosophy seeking to reduce compliance costs for companies should be challenged.

If we continue to set financial reporting standards in New Zealand, we do at least retain a level of sovereignty over our lawmaking processes whereas we will lose that sovereignty by adopting the international standards. Both sets of standards though have been developed from domestic practices related to profit-seeking motives. Both ignore the potential effects on citizens of transnational company activities. In this respect both frameworks are very similar. Their suitability for a global trading regime seems to be taken for granted, but it should be questioned.

Despite findings of extensive plundering of resources in various countries, the financial information required to monitor, assess and limit the actions of powerful transnational corporations has not been considered. Ideally, identification of that financial information should have been the starting point for this review of the Financial Reporting Act. The technical veneer of financial reporting standards tends to disenfranchise most from the highly political activity that characterises financial reporting standard-setting. It allows those who will benefit most from global standards, the transnationals and major chartered accountancy firms, to dominate the standard-setting process. The identification of such information and call for its disclosure is essential for Part II of this review.

Globalisation By Stealth

This developing financial reporting framework is just one of a range of linked, seemingly technical regulatory developments highly consistent with each other. Taken together, these might be regarded as representing the re-emergence of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (the notorious MAI, which was defeated by global opposition, in 1998. Ed.). This time it seems to be emerging gradually and by stealth but, eventually, we can expect these regulatory developments to be brought together as one global framework of rules. As is apparent from the review of the Financial Reporting Act, the major beneficiaries of these rules seem to be transnational corporations. Once in place, this global framework will have an effect on all our lives. It is therefore, essential, that the development of these rules not be left to those promoting them simply because the rules seem technical.

Those who set financial reporting standards like to claim that they set those standards in the wider public interest, and voice regret that the wider public doesn’t take part in the standard-setting process. Frequently the technical veneer of such standard-setting acts as a barrier but standard-setting processes are always inherently political. The Regulatory and Competition Policy Branch of the Ministry of Economic Development is conducting this review of the Financial Reporting Act (http://www.med.govt.nz/about/rcpb.html). The Deputy Secretary heading that branch is Mark Steel. Wider involvement and a refusal to allow technical-sounding jargon to dominate in this review is essential. Those interested might contact Mr Steel seeking further information about the submissions on Part 1, its outcome, and information about Part 11 and how to take part.


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