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Issue Number 29/30, May 2008

Kapatiran Issue No. 29/30, May 2008


A KIWI IN THE WAR ZONE
International Women’s Peace And Solidarity Mission To Basilan And Mindanao, August 2007

- Mary Ellen O’Connor

The Lonely Planet guide simply issues a warning about this area: “Travellers are advised to avoid travelling to most of Mindanao, an island in the southern Philippines, especially the Zamboanga peninsula and the Sulu archipelago where ethnic and religious animosities fuel ongoing violence”. I knew this to be the case without reading the guide. I had visited the Philippines in 2005 on a human rights solidarity mission in which my team was to have travelled south to the Sulu archipelago, of which Basilan is one island, but this was called off, due to just such a violent outbreak. So we stayed in Manila and examined the situation there for the domestic refugees from the Mindanao/Sulu area. Driven out of their ancestral homelands in this traditionally Muslim area (very close to Malaysia) these people now inhabit the worst of the worst Manila slums (Mary Ellen’s report on her 2005 visit, “Moros Consigned To Manila’s Slums, Rubbish Dumps & Prisons”, is in Kapatiran 25/26, December 2005, which can be read online at http://www.converge.org.nz/psna/Kapatiran/KapNo25n26/Kap25n26Art/art116.htm. Ed.).

Known as “Moro,” another version of the word “Moor”, these people make up a significant Muslim minority, in a predominantly Catholic country. The Moro people are proud of their ancestry. It was their forbears who established the sultanates, in the Sulu area, the first political structure in the country prior to the coming of the Spanish colonisers in the 1520s. But these sultanates, under pressure during the period of Spanish colonisation, were obliterated after Spain sold the Philippines to the United States for $US20 million in 1898. The displacement of the Moro people began shortly after this when their lands in the south were opened up for fruit and rubber plantations by transnational pioneers such as Dole and Del Monte. Filipino workers from poor and landless families in the Christian north and east were enticed to work for these companies with the promise of free (Moro) land. In this way, the Moro people were disenfranchised and, over time, became a minority in their own land. Moro liberation organisations, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) grew up to challenge these interests and the Catholic and American- dominated administrations. The presence of these and other less disciplined groups has long been an obstacle to total exploitation of the area by mostly foreign, commercial interests so the armed forces and the police have played a key role in neu-tralising protest. The southern Philip-pines fell into disrepute as one of the poor, conflicted areas of the world, mostly ignored unless an incident of piracy or kidnapping by Muslim “ter-rorists” warranted media attention and the consequent horrified response of the civilised world.

Until the 9/11 attacks on the US in 2001. This provided the rationale not only for the Middle East “war on terror” but also for the “second front in the war on terror” in the southern Philippines. The US-trained Armed For-ces of the Philippines (AFP) began “Balikatan” (“shoulder to shoulder”) joint military exercises with the US military, in the archipelago in 2002, a massive escalation of the military presence and activity in the name of stabilisation. Massive desta-bilisation resulted, in which the real victims are the non-combatants, the women and children. Already minimal infrastructure was decimated as schools and other centres were taken over as military bases. As violence intensified, the Moro became refu-gees in their own country, many driven north to Manila. Those who stayed suffered all manner of privations, in some cases, starvation.

“No More Widows! No More Orphans! No More Macho Wars!”

So how did I find myself on Basilan shortly after one of these uglier outbursts, in July 2007, in which 14 AFP troops, searching for kidnapped Italian priest, Father Bossi, were ambushed, killed and ten of them beheaded? A Muslim imam (priest) was also killed. Basilan, reminiscent of Central America 25 years ago, is a heavily militarised tropical paradise with the US presence palpable.

In the wake of this incident, the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (South East Asia) and the Mindanao Peace Weavers, through their various networks, put out the call for interested women to go to Basilan as part of an international peace mission to express concern and solidarity to the people there. The rallying cry was: “Peace is the braver option! No more widows, no more orphans, no more macho wars.” I decided to go, in full knowledge that this would be a peace promoting rather than a peace achieving mission. My fare was kindly paid by IID (Initiatives for International Dialogue, which serves as the regionnal secretariat for the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict).

On the expedition were two experienced Filipino activists, Mary Ann Anando, a lawyer from Davao, and Karen Tanada of the Ortigas Peace Institute, Manila, a Franciscan nun from Tarlac, north of Manila, and seven delegates from New Zealand, Australia, the United Kingdom, Thailand, Sri Lanka and Timor Leste. Most were there in a professional context, as journalists or development workers. On arrival in Zamboanga, the gateway to Sulu, Mary Ann informed me that I was group leader and spokesperson. Presumably my status as a second time human rights visi-tor had catapulted me into this position, though there was never an explanation. Maybe it was just the grey hair. Fortunately I had glanced through the mission statement on the plane so was able to field the initial questions at the forum hosted by PAZ (Peace Advocates Zamboanga). This was attended by representatives from many different Muslim and Christian organisations in the area, keen to hear about our mission and also present their own views. Over lunch, we were informed of the deaths of 25 members of the AFP and several others in Jolo, Sulu.

Meeting The Bishop & The Muslim Dynasty

After a brief tour of Zamboanga, we boarded the boat for Basilan, a regular ferry apart from the armed escort on board. We were now joined by three more women leaders from Davao - Ruby Rose Lora, Carmen Lauzon and Baileng Mantawil, an older male academic from Jolo, Octavio Dinampo, and few muscular young men from Zamboanga. From the boat, all looked like a tropical paradise, similar to other parts of South East Asia, with little houses built above the water and little boats zipping around below. After disembarkation in Isabela, the capital of Basilan, we were driven to Querexta Formation, a Catholic Centre where we were to stay, very much part of the fabric of Isabela, already bearing battle scars. The entrance featured a burnt out jeep mounted as a memorial with an inscription: “Chaos is evil: Peace is good”. There lived the Bishop of Basilan who immediately invited us all into his little office where we were welcomed warmly and offered the luscious local fruit - mangosteens and lanzones - which grow in abundance in these parts. Lots of jokey anecdotes were told. He was a portly, funny, relaxed individual whose personality seemed to fit him uniquely well for the non-partisan stance he was taking.

After this we were shown upstairs to dilapidated but adequate rooms with two narrow beds in each. I shared with Elisabeth from Timor Leste a very vital young woman working for an Australian NGO in Dili. That night our dinner consisted of rice, swedes, beef and shrimps prepared in the very primitive kitchen by some of the many people who work, live or hang out around this centre, many obviously Muslim. We were very well fed, unlike many on this island.

The following day we were taken to meet the Governor of Basilan, Jun Akbar, first wife of Congressman Wahib Akbar, and her very large entourage. The Akbars are a Muslim dynasty, his second wife being the Mayor of Isabela. It was here that I experienced that quintessentially New Zealand sensation, that we don’t even know ABC when it comes to politics. Family alliances and agendas shift and merge with local and central government ambitions all against a very complex backdrop. Danger is ever-present. Back in New Zealand in October, I heard that Wahib Akbar had been killed, victim of a bomb explosion in the Congress Building in Manila.

On this occasion, Mary Ann exhorted the Gover-nor to take the initiative in dealing with the recent problems to pre-empt anyone else doing so. She and her niece, the Mayor of Lantawan, a nearby town, responded that all was under control. The discussion turned out to be academic - later that day we read that 12,000 more troops were being or-dered into Jolo. The session ended with a plea from the provincial health officer of Basilan for doctors, saying the situation was dire. This in a country where the doctors are retraining as nurses to go and work overseas because there are no jobs for them.

The forgotten status of the area is striking. Those willing to talk all spoke of lack of infrastructure as the major problem. Poor health and little education are endemic. While the state of underdevelopment prevails, the area remains dependent on the Army for road and bridge building, health clinics, transport and even food, at best a cynical, and at worst a sinister, situation. Some joke that the Army are the labourers of Sulu.

Marines, Mass & Murder

We went to visit them - in fact the Marine regiment involved in the July 10 incident. Their base had ob-viously been a community centre of some sort. We were welcomed into a formally set-up meeting room by the Colonel. I expressed our condolences about their losses. We were treated to a DVD of their humanitarian work, including graphic photos of circumcisions. Once formalities were over, discussion quickly hardened. The peace team asked questions about the role of the Army in entering what was a recognised MILF area on July 10. This was hotly defended by the Colonel as being necessary to rescue Father Bossi. The tension was defused by Mary Ann providing the Colonel with a copy of the JIFFC report (Joint Inde-pendent Fact Finding Committee, with representatives from both the Government and the MILF) into the July 10 incident. He was obviously pleased to have this, pointing out that his regiment had not been consulted for this report. The session finished positively enough for us to invite Wen, the female tank commander, to join us at the planned women’s circle that afternoon. She accepted.

The women’s’ circle was a gathering of locals, a mix of information, solidarity and entertainment. Several women spoke of the suffering of the women in these parts, the poverty, the fear, the lack of education, the death of sick children because of transport problems and/or lack of medical services. They also spoke of their own peace efforts including running mobile caravans for feeding people in remote locations. Religious differences are immaterial they all agreed, it is about getting basic services, basic human rights. Justice is a pre-requisite for peace and peace is a pre-requisite for human development was written up on a whiteboard. Towards the end of the afternoon, Wen, the tank comman-der spoke (seemingly) from the heart about us all wanting the same thing. The afternoon ended with us all singing, hands together in a circle.

In an unplanned turn of events, the Mayor of Lantawan then appeared and invited our group to an exotic country house with a swimming pool and restaurant complex where we were given sandwiches and drinks. Conversation is always a seamless mix of English and Tagalog which means we sometimes missed critical bits of information but it was obvious that the she was picking the brains of the activists in our group, a turnaround from this morning when she insisted all was under control.

On Sunday, I went to 6a.m. Sunday Mass with Sister Vida, Karen and Elisabeth at the Catholic cathedral in Isabela. A very traditional service, with marriage banns announced, payments for Masses detailed, and the priest delivering a very didactic sermon about stewardship. There was no reference, direct or indirect, to the growing violence and instability in the immediate region. With notable exceptions, the Catholic clergy stick to the script.

Later that day we headed into the hinterlands of Basilan, towards Guinante, where the July 10 incident had taken place. Just as we left, a large Police vehicle, with eight armed officers on board arrived to escort us. Some in our party believed that to be provocative but there was no leaving without them. As we drove away from Isabela through rubber and coconut planta-tions, the settlements became poorer and poorer. We passed many little houses with a dozen children huddled in the front doorway gazing out at the passing parade. We stopped briefly to meet the mayor of Tipo Tipo province whose throw-away comment was that anyone who spoke the truth on this island was either in exile or dead. By this point the roads had become what we would call undriveable, but not by them. We eventually arrived at the village near Guinante where the widow of murdered Imam Hakanul lived. Since the incident she had been looking after 13 children. Many families had relocated from Guinante to this village but the parents returned there to work, leaving children with older women, like herself. We counted the 13, gorgeous and shy, huddled together at a distance. She and her daughter were quite overwhelmed by this visit from 25 unknowns and a Police contingent, her daughter sobbing helplessly all the time. And we had a language problem. Only three in our party could speak the local dialect so while there was much we could have learnt, there was little opportunity to do so. We were told that the MILF were based just beyond that village. We were told that the people were afraid of the Army but liked the Police. The child minders told us they had no medicines. We gave them the relief provisions we had brought and the gaunt skeletal faces of the women encouraged us to leave our lunches as well. I couldn’t bring myself to take any photos of them. I’m not sure that the people there understood our solidarity visit as anything other than food distribution and indeed I think that was the most useful aspect of it.

Our experience of hunger was not very sustained because, in the inex-plicable way things happen there, on the return journey we were invited to eat at a house where they had been celebrating an Islamic graduation. The warmth and vitality of this household contrasted markedly with the hollowed out passivity we’d witnessed previously, only an hour away.

Military & Media Scepticism

Our last visit was to WestMinCom HQ – West Mindanao Command Head Quarters, back in Zamboanga, the following day. Again we were warmly welcomed and offered food and drink though they all seemed bemused that we were there. This time I presented the JIFFC report (into July 10) and made a plea that they not escalate violence. They said more troops were being brought in to stabilise the situation. We begged to differ about the stabilising role of the troops. However, the atmosphere was much more relaxed than with the Marines in the field and they in-sisted on a photo with us before we left.

At the Zamboanga press conference later, scepticism ruled. What had we achieved? What difference had we made? Why did we bother going? How could we impact on such a complex situation? What effect did we hope to have on the Army? Our answers must have sounded extra-terrestrial to them. One of our party then asked the journalists how they saw their role in the peace process, pointing out that their constant coverage of violence, aggression and militarisation, acts to escalate the tensions. A female journalist from the Philippine Daily Inquirer eventually admitted that she was very conflicted. She fully understands both the issues of the area and the aggravating role of the press but has to write war, rather than peace, for the sake of newspaper sales. So we were very lucky to be featured in a column in that newspaper the following day, under the heading “Macho Wars”:

“Perhaps in the end, the Mindanao problem will be solved not by the largely macho-led wars of military hawks based in Manila but by the pockets of peace efforts from even the most unlikely sectors of the Mindanao grassroots. In war, women may not necessarily be the victims. They can also be the victors”.

PS. In September 2007, the violence in Sulu and Basilan escalated with the deaths of many armed personnel, those of the Muslim resistance groups and civilians. In October and November 2007, the national President of Suara Bangsa-moro (Voice of the Moro People) Party List Organisation, Amirah Ali Lidasan, did a speaking tour of New Zealand to raise consciousness about the plight of the Moro in the Southern Philippines (see Murray Horton’s article on Amirah’s tour, and Amirah’s speech, both else-where in this issue. Ed.). In January 2008, Suara Bangsamoro urged the Philippines government to cancel “Balikatan”, scheduled for February, saying the previous military exerci-ses had left issues of human rights violations still unresolved.

Mary Ellen O’Connor is a PSNA member who has visited the Philippines several times and is the Coordinator of the newly founded Wellington Kiwi Pinoy group.

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