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Issue Number 23, November 2003

Kapatiran Issue No. 23, November 2003

THE WTO AND THE PHILIPPINES
- Teddy Casiņo


Delivered during the Conference on WTO, Globalisation and War, Quezon City, Philippines February 28, 2003. The author is secretary-general of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN, New Patriotic Alliance). It was written before the collapse of the WTO talks at Cancun, Mexico, in September 2003. Ed.

Globalisation and war of aggression are two sides of the same coin. Just as it is people power that is keeping George Bush in check, so it is people power that will effectively oppose globalisation.

Nine years ago, during the debates in the Philippine Senate on the ratification of the country’s commitment to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the proponents of imperialist globalisation boasted that membership in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) would transform the Philippines into a newly industrialised country.

The Promises

Among the promises of joining the WTO were the following:

• 500,000 new jobs a year in agriculture starting 1995;

• 587,000 new jobs a year in industry;

• an additional gross value added of 60 billion pesos (US$US1.1 billion) a year;

• economic growth of at least 6% per year; and

• a significant improvement in poverty rates brought about by the booming economy.

We have to ride the wave of globalisation, they said, or else sink to the bottom of the ocean.

So what happened?

The Reality

Today, nearly ten years after ascending to the WTO, we are faced with the following harsh realities:

• Over a million jobs have been lost in agriculture alone, with 690,000 rural families thrown into poverty since 1994.

• Unemployment is at an all-time high, with 4.9 million Filipinos jobless and 8.3 million having to go overseas just to earn a living.

• From being a relatively self-reliant agricultural producer, we have now become a net food importer. In the four years immediately preceding the country’s entry into the WTO (1990-1994), our trade in agriculture was able to register a surplus of $USUS1.3 billion. But in the four years that followed (1995-1999), this surplus was wiped out and replaced by an accumulated trade deficit worth $US3.5 billion. Rice imports, for one, increased by 540% and corn by 520%.

• The country’s balance of payments deficit has worsened, resulting in the 72% fall in the value of the peso against the dollar from 1995-2000, and an increase in foreign debt from 52% to 66% of the gross national product.

• The promised growth was nowhere, as the annual growth in the gross domestic product from 1996-2000 remains little changed compared with those of the previous years prior to WTO membership.

• As expected, poverty worsened. The official poverty rate is 40%, but independent estimates peg it as high as 86%. As if that wasn’t bad enough, the income of the top 10% of the population increased by over 23 times that of the poorest 10% in 2000 compared to 19 times in 1994.

Some of us may ask what exactly went wrong? Well, nothing went wrong. Imperialist globalisation, after all, was designed precisely to siphon resources from the semi-colonies of the North and make them dumping grounds for the excess products of the industrialised nations. Globalisation was and continues to be imperialist plunder wrapped in big bright ribbons.

In sum, our entry into the WTO has resulted in more poverty and greater inequality brought about by the destruction of local agriculture and industry, the stagnation of the economy and its increased dependence on foreign capital, debt and speculation.

Disastrous Effect On Agriculture…

The recent threats of the hog raisers to hold a food blockade and the repeated pleas of our vegetable farmers in the Cordillera and Ilocos regions to protect them from the deluge of imported agricultural products are vivid reminders of globalisation’s disastrous effects on our local agricultural producers.

In the first year of our membership in the WTO, the agricultural trade deficit of $US42.24 million almost quadrupled to $US149.59 million in 1995. In 1996, it quintupled to $US789.21 million, tapering off a bit to $US764.23 million in 1997. This influx of cheap imported agricultural goods - cheap because they are heavily subsidised by their governments - has displaced local farming.

In fact, industrialised countries like the United States and the Euro area states continue to protect their farmers not only through high tariffs but export subsidies. While the rich nations demand the removal of subsidies to agriculture, they themselves are increasing their subsidies by up to 66% of the value of production.

In 1999, the agricultural subsidies of the rich nations reached an average of $US1 billion per day. How can they speak of free trade and a level playing field when they themselves distort the market in their favor? This is hypocrisy on a grand scale.

Added to this, agricultural products from the Philippines have been subjected to unreasonable sanitary and phytosanitary standards by our trading partners. The United States, Australia, Japan and several European countries have repeatedly used these non-tariff barriers to block the entry of our tuna, bananas, mangoes, coconut oil and other agricultural products into their markets (see Walden Bello’s article elsewhere in this issue for a very detailed critique of the WTO’s disastrous impact on Philippine agriculture. Ed.).

… And Industry

In the industrial sector, local manufacturers are also reeling from the influx of imported goods. Among the industries affected are those involved in garments, bags and footwear, tyres, cement, tiles, glass, pharmaceuticals, steel, towels, lighting products, batteries and even, would you believe, flour sacks.

In the footwear industry, the shoes imported from January to October 1999 alone translated to lost job opportunities for 26,000 workers.

In 1999, the country’s one and only integrated steel plant, the National Steel Corporation plant in Iligan City, closed down due to the massive influx of steel imported from as far as Russia. This cost the jobs of 1,700 workers.

One major problem for our industries is the unfair and one-sided tariff system that has resulted from years of economic restructuring and obedience to multilateral trade and finance agencies. On the average, tariffs on our exports to developed countries are four times higher than their exports to us. Take rubber shoes, which is given a minimal 0%-5% tariff in the Philippines but slapped a 20% tariff in the developed countries.

No question, globalisation has reared its imperialist tentacles and gripped the Philippine economy by the neck.

Indeed, our entry into the WTO could be considered the coup de grace, the killer shot to an economy already ailing from two decades of neoliberal prescriptions and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)-World Bank-imposed structural adjustment programmes.

At that time, our country’s Harvard * and Wharton- trained economic managers and technocrats, desperate for a way out of the chronic crisis of our semi-colonial and semi-feudal economy, clung to the rhetoric of the IMF, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, Time, Newsweek, CNN and the Group of Seven (G7). Capitalism has triumphed over socialism, they said, and globalisation signaled the end of history as we know it. * Leading US universities. Ed.

A Neo-liberal Rampage

As usual, Philippine officials went overboard in lapping it all up. In most cases, our liberalisation and deregulation targets exceeded even our formal commitments to the WTO. In 1996, for example, the Philippines hosted the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit and to show the world that Filipinos could ride the wave of globalisation way ahead of the pack, the Ramos Administration went on a rampage, unilaterally slashing tariff lines and arbitrarily removing trade barriers and measures meant to protect the local economy.

Today the Philippine economy is one of the most open in the region and, I would surmise, the world. Our Import Liberalization Program (ILP) and Tariff Reform Program (TRP) was so drastic that 90% of our tariff lines have already fallen under the 0-5% rate, way ahead of our Southeast Asian neighbours. A year from now, this will reach 97%. All these are way ahead of our commitments under the WTO and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Agreement (AFTA).

In fact, while our neighbours have slowed down their liberalisation programmes for some years now, we have even accelerated ours. Congress is now deliberating a proposal that would amend the Constitution to allow 100% foreign ownership of land, 100% ownership of strategic and vital industries, and the wholesale watering down of the constitutional provisions on the national economy and patrimony.

But while our Government officials took pride in ours as being one of the most open and “globalised” economies, they turned a blind eye to the reality that we remained as Asia’s basket case. In a similar manner, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil were heralded as the models by the IMF and World Bank, right before their economies collapsed.

Curiously, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, the author of the 1994 GATT-WTO bill, recently made a well-publicised speech where she took a stand against “unbridled globalisation”. Other official pronouncements also seem to indicate a slight shift in focus towards strengthening the local economy. Some say she has seen the light. I say she simply can’t deny reality.

AGILE Globalists Have Infiltrated The Government

This Government remains as committed to the WTO and to globalisation as it was during the Ramos Administration. The recent exposes about the USAID-funded lobby group, the Development Alternatives Inc. (DAI) and its Accelerating Growth, Investment and Liberalization with Equity (AGILE) programme reveals the extent to which the globalists have infiltrated the Philippine government. The presence of AGILE offices and consultants in all major trade and finance agency in the Government is mind-boggling. That they were able to help formulate and lobby for the approval of at least five crucial laws on the economy is an indication of how influential this US-backed lobby group is and how their interests jibe with those of the local ruling elite.

From 1998 to the present, AGILE had a big hand in the Intellectual Property Rights Code, the Omnibus Power Law, the Anti-Money Laundering Law, the Electronic Commerce Law, the Anti-Dumping Act, and the Plant Variety Protection Bill - all instruments to further the neo-liberal agenda of globalisation. That Mrs Arroyo has come out defending AGILE and its pro-US agenda speaks so much of her failed leadership.

In the final analysis, it is the people’s movement that it is our only hope. The bureaucracy and the economic and political elite that run it are hell-bent on pursuing the globalist agenda, just as they are hell-bent on pursuing the militarist agenda of the US and other imperial powers. This is what we are up against. And this is what we should unite on.

To conclude, let me say that globalisation and war of aggression are two sides of the same coin. Just as it is people power that is keeping George Bush in check, so it is people power that will effectively opposed globalisation.

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